Mugabe and the White African
Documentary
First Run Features
R1 DVD
President
Robert Mugabe’s land reform has evicted 4000 white farmers in Zimbabwe. In too
many cases the land was given to political friends, High Court judges and Army
members, not to those who knew anything about farming and could keep the land
productive. Thousands are now starving. The white farmers have largely been
replaced with black landowners and the bulk of the population is worse off – no
farming jobs to be had and no idea how to manage a farm anyway.
The
new owners will often seize all the farm equipment and dismantle it for parts.
If you don’t know anything about farming this is often more lucrative. The
contents of the houses will simply be looted or destroyed.
Historically
the seizure of large landowners’ properties and their breakup into smaller
units has been hailed as a step forward for democracy. In practice these
schemes have often failed as the new landowners either didn’t know how to farm
their land or didn’t have enough land to be productive. One such scheme that
comes to mind was the Soldier Settlers Scheme of post-World War I Australia,
where land for small farms was taken from the large pastoral holdings. In most
cases the farms went broke and were bought up again by the big landowners.
In
Zimbabwe most farms have been kept intact but given to people with political
influence and little or no farming experience. It was once described as “the breadbowl of Africa” but Zimbabwe is now a net importer of
food. Inflation is rampant. The little village farms that remain cannot support
the population of the cities, and even these people are being chased away from
their villages. Mugabe still proceeds with his irrational anti-European
campaign in the name of land reform, though, and reserves a special hatred for
the British. He has bought his political power with the promise of land for all
and is now almost impossible to dislodge. Is this really “land reform”?
The
documentary follows the story of Mike Campbell, one of the few remaining white
farmers. He is now forced to carry a gun when away from the farmhouse. In the
face of continued harassment and intimidation he has taken Mugabe to the
Supreme Court. He is using as his grounds racial discrimination. With an
election looming Mugabe must be beaten in court, for another electoral win
would make him unassailable. The Campbells are due
for forcible eviction within a week. His wife retreats into that old standby “we
must trust God”, who doesn’t appear to be listening. The rest of the family are
a little more practical but still relatively powerless.
Five
hundred people, black and white, live on the Campbell farm. Many have been with
him since the early days when the farm was first started. Many have learned
farming trades like tractor driving. Without Campbell, these people will be
unemployed and their future will be bleak. Campbell’s farm has been officially
confiscated by the government and Campbell has been prosecuted for continuing
to live in his house of his farm. It all depends on the court case against
Mugabe.
Then
comes a last-minute blow. With the election close the
Court postpones the case. They do at least instruct the government not to take
eviction action until after the case. On their return to the farm, though, the Campbells find the son of a government minister about to
take over possession of “his” house. They win the argument but they know he
will be back supported by the “militia”, a bunch of armed government-sponsored
thugs. Following the savage beating of Campbell, his son-in-law and daughter
they pack what they can and prepare to move (temporarily, they hope) to Namibia
where they arrive nine days later.
On
the day of the court hearing the case is again held over.
The
election draws closer and Mugabe continues with his irrational ranting against
the English. This is his main election policy, to vilify the British even
though they have no influence or involvement in Zimbabwe. It is highly reminiscent
of the Nazi campaign against the Jews during World War II. So is the violence
and intimidation against the British. Mugabe, of course, wins the election as
he is the only candidate.
The case finally resumes with Campbell’s
son-in-law still in a wheelchair. Mugabe’s lawyers ask for a further extension
but surprisingly the Court refuses another deferment. The defence team then
walked out of the Court to “receive instructions from the government” in
defiance of the court. Finally four months later the Court delivers its
findings.
Part
of the problems of Zimbabwe must be laid at the feet of the white landowners
themselves. For generations the native people have been the farm labourers, not
the managers or agronomists or even farm mechanics that the country now needs.
The whites have seen no reason to change this.
Although
the people of Zimbabwe are still suffering under Mugabe’s increasingly
dictatorial rule, they also must accept part of the blame for what their
country has become. The have allowed their democracy to die in spite of paying
the price. They continued to vote for Mugabe long enough for him to consolidate
his power. Now they are in desperate poverty and only international
intervention can save the country. This point is not made in the documentary,
perhaps because it isn’t fashionable to point the finger at victims and say
“but you let this happen”. Basically, just as George W Bush’s “weapons of mass destruction” ploy
managed to hoodwink Americans into going to war, Mugabe has used “evil British
landowners” and the people of Zimbabwe fell for it. I would have been interested to see how this
came about, but the Question and Answer section in the Extras explains that it
was hard to interview black Zimbabweans because of their fear of being identified.
The
documentary is a good example of the rise of dictatorship allowed by the
gullibility of the voters. It is a grim lesson in that it cannot offer answers
to the problems of Zimbabwe.
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